Jonkun agendajournalistin mielipidekirjoitus ei ole tutkimus tai tilasto.
Tässä me heti törmätään kahteen eri ongelmaan.
1. Sä voit dissata about kaiken "agendajournalismina" jos et tykkää jostain mitä postaan. Trumpin vuosikausia jahnaamaa fakemedia -paska näemmä alkaa vaikuttaa täälläkin.
2. Kun aletaan tutkia dataa poliisiväkivallasta niin törmätään erikoiseen ongelmaan. Tilastointia ei Yhdysvalloissa juurikaan tehdä ja jos tehdään tutkijat joutuvat tukeutumaan huomattavan paljon median raportointiin asiasta, koska poliisilaitokset eivät ole kovinkaan halukkaita jakamaan informaatiota tutkijoille.
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Thanks to databases like these, it's clear that Black people are killed at a disproportionate rate by police officers, making up 24% of deaths despite being only 13% of the population, according to Mapping Police Violence. But the databases rely on media reports of deaths, not police department, city, state or government data, for the simple reason that many police departments are not forthcoming with this information.
"Data on policing is notoriously terrible," said Casey Delehanty, a political scientist at Gardner-Webb University in North Carolina. "It's very spotty. It's unreliable and often inaccurate, and this has really precluded a lot of study and understanding and also accountability in real-time of local, state and federal police.”
https://www.livescience.com/evidence-police-brutality-reform.html
The lack of accurate information about police-involved shootings is roiling the nation’s law enforcement community, leaving officials unable to say whether high-profile killings are isolated events or part of an alarming trend, FBI Director James B. Comey said Wednesday.
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It is unacceptable that The Washington Post and the Guardian newspaper from the U.K. are becoming the lead source of information about violent encounters between police and civilians. That is not good for anybody,” he said. ”
https://www.washingtonpost.com/nati...ebaf7a-6d16-11e5-b31c-d80d62b53e28_story.html
Linkit johtaa vain johonkin aiempiin mielipidekirjoituksiin ja vaatii samalla tilaajaksi ryhtymistä (subscribe). Ei pysty.
Huomaa, ettet ole lukenut sitä databasea, kun väität sen linkkaavan mielipidekirjoituksiin. Näet alempana ettei tämä pidä paikkaansa. Erikoista, kun minä pystyn lukemaan niitä helposti, kun menen incognitona tai refreshaan evästeet.
Väite siitä, että poliisi kohdistaa väkivaltaa erityisesti vähemmistöihin on edelleen täyttä paskapuhetta. Kun näytät todisteita siitä, että poliisi
1) laajamittaisesti käyttää väkivaltaa tummaihoisiin ja kohtelee valkoihoisia täsmälleen samanlaisissa tapauksissa paljon helläkätisemmin
tai
2) tummaihoisia kuolee poliisin käsittelyssä räikeästi enemmän kaikki muuttujat huomioon ottaen (hiuksenhieno ero ei vielä riitä), niin vasta sitten voin uskoa väitteesi siitä, että poliisi jotenkin erityisesti kohdistaa väkivaltaa juuri vähemmistöihin.
Jaa sieltä tulikin sitten erikoinen vaatimus, ettei hiuksenhieno ero - mitä se numeerisesti sitten tarkoittaakaan - riitäkään. Taisit jättää itsellesi toisen takaportin "agendajournalismin" lisäksi dissata todistusaineistoa.
Jotain tilastointia on tehty.
https://www.washingtonpost.com/news...nal-justice-system-is-racist-heres-the-proof/
Yksittäisiä tutkimusviitteitä:
An Empirical Analysis of Racial Differences in Police Use of Force Roland G. Fryer, Jr.†Draft: July 2016 :
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This paper explores racial differences in police use of force. On non-lethal uses of force,blacks and Hispanics are more than fifty percent more likely to experience some form of force in interactions with police. - - ”
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Even when officers report civilians have been compliant and no arrest was made, blacks are 21.3 ±0.04 percent more likely to endure some form of force.”
Minneapolis police shootings since 2000: A deeper look at who and where
https://www.startribune.com/minneap...look-at-who-and-where/435882213/?refresh=true
Harvardin yliopiston tutkimus:
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although black males aged 15-34 make up 2 percent of the population they comprise 15 percent of all deaths logged in 2015 – five times the comparison number for whites. One in every sixty-five – or 1.5 percent – deaths of ablack man in the US is a killing by police. Roughly twenty-five percent of blacks that were killed were unarmed, eight percentage points higher than whites (Guardian,2015). ”
Washington Postin database:
”The Washington Post tracks the number of Americans killed by the police by race, gender and other characteristics. The newspaper’s database indicates that 229 out of 992 of those who died that way in 2018, 23% of the total, were black, even though only about 12% of the country is African American. ”
Origins of American law enforcement explain the systemic racism opposed by the Black Lives Matter movement today.
scroll.in
Jotain mahdollisia selitysmalleja ja tässä pyritään ottamaan myös huomioon poliisin näkökulmaa asiaan ja huomataan, että niillä tunteillakin on vaikutusta. Poliisitkaan eivät ole robotteja:
What Exposes African Americans to Police Violence?
”These insecurities derive from police officers’ concerns about (1) social dominance, (2) physical safety, (3) masculinity, and (4) racism. Empirical evidence suggests that police officers who feel threatened or vulnerable along any of the foregoing lines are more likely to engage in acts of violence than officers who do not feel so threatened. ”
social dominance
”The more police officers perceive a person to be dangerous or criminal, the less space that person has to assert rights, and the more work he has to do to signal compliance. This is why black men and white men are not in equipoise with respect to the social dominance threat they pose. Because black men are far more vulnerable tobeing stereotyped as criminal, dangerous, and violent than are white men,they are more vulnerable to social dominance policing on two fronts: the danger they are presumed to pose and the relatively low social rank of theiridentity. To put this point another way, there is a stronger incentive for police officers to exercise dominance over people whom they perceive to be dangerous and/or socially marginalized than over people whom they do not regard in those ways. ”
physical safety
”police officers perceive the enforcement of traffic infractions as potentially a life-and-death scena-rio. Research also suggests that officers perceive many of the inner city communities they police as war zones. Add to this evidence associating African-American men with violence and danger and one begins to appreciate why police officers might fear for their physical safety in the context of even mundane encounters with black men.”
masculinity
"Because of stereotypes about hyper-black masculinity, the mere presence of a black suspect could trigger some degree of masculinity threat in police officers; and, because of perceptions of white police officers as racist, the mere presence of a white police officer could trigger some degree of masculinity threat on the part of the black suspect. Actual or perceived aggressive conduct by either the police officer or the suspect could compound the problemby heightening either party’s masculinity threat and thus the likelihood that either party would exhibit aggressive behavior in response. The broader point is that threats to masculinity are another plausible explanation for why so many interactions between the police and black men culminate inviolence.
racism
- ”Police officers are “threatened” by the possibility that their interactions with black men might confirm the view that police officers are racist.”
- ”Stereotype threat, initially identified in black college students, is thethreat experienced by individuals who believe they are being evaluated interms of a negative stereotype about their group and feel anxiety over thepossibility of confirming that stereotype. The classic work by Claude Steele and Joshua Aronson showed that awareness of a negative stereotyperesulted in depressed performance on stereotype-relevant tasks, such as stan-dardized tests for black students.
- ”Just as blacks feel anxiety about confirming a stereotype of low intellectual ability, whites feel anxiety over confirming a stereotype of racism. And,just as blacks’ anxiety has the ironic effect of actually confirming the stereo-type through decrements in test performance, so too does whites’ anxiety have the ironic effect of actually increasing their racial bias. For instance,when whites fear being perceived as racist, they show greater implicit racial bias and they distance themselves from a black interaction partner more than whites who have not been stereotype-threatened in this way.”
- ”Goff and colleagues have shown that white officers report anxiety over being perceived as racist on account of their position in the policeforce, endorsing statements like “I worry that others may stereotype me asprejudiced because I am a police officer.” Alarmingly, the very officerswho felt most anxiety about this stereotype were also those who were mostracially disproportionate in their use of force in the field. Said differently,police officers who believe they are being evaluated as racist because theyare police will actually engage in more racist policing.”
Yhdysvaltojen systeemisen rasismin taustatekijöitä
Khalil Muhammad, a professor of history, race, and public policy at Harvard Kennedy School and author of the book
The Condemnation of Blackness: Race, Crime, and the Making of Modern Urban America :
https://www.vox.com/2020/6/6/21280643/police-brutality-violence-protests-racism-khalil-muhammad
Washington Postin laaja lähdeluettelo, joka kokoaa yhteen paljon muutakin kuin puhtaan poliisitoimen. Tässä ei ole kaikki, jätin osan pois, koska koin niiden olevan irrelevanttia tässä kontekstissa mutta kyllä tästäkin näkee, että ei siellä kaikki kansalaiset nyt ihan samalla viivalla ole poliisin, oikeuslaitoksen ja vankilajärjestelmän suhteen.
Policing and profiling
1. In their book “
Suspect Citizens,” Frank R. Baumgartner, Derek A. Epp and Kelsey Shoub reviewed 20
million traffic stops.
In an interview with The Post, they shared what they found: “Blacks are almost twice as likely to be pulled over as whites — even though whites drive more on average,” “blacks are more likely to be searched following a stop,” and “just by getting in a car, a black driver has about twice the odds of being pulled over, and about four times the odds of being searched.” They found that blacks were more likely to be searched despite the fact they’re less likely to be found with contraband as a result of those searches.
2.
A 2013 Justice Department study found that black and Latino drivers are more likely to be searched once they have been pulled over. About 2 percent of white motorists were searched, vs. 6 percent of black drivers and 7 percent of Latinos.
https://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/pbtss11.pdf
3.
A 2017 study of 4.5 million traffic stops by the 100 largest police departments in North Carolina found that blacks and Latinos were more likely to be searched than whites (5.4 percent, 4.1 percent and 3.1 percent, respectively), even though searches of white motorists were more likely than the others to turn up contraband (whites: 32 percent, blacks: 29 percent, Latinos: 19 percent).
https://arxiv.org/pdf/1607.05376.pdf
4.
According to the Justice Department, between 2012 and 2014, black people in Ferguson, Mo., accounted for 85 percent of vehicle stops, 90 percent of citations and 93 percent of arrests, despite comprising 67 percent of the population. Blacks were more than twice as likely as whites to be searched after traffic stops, even though they proved to be 26 percent less likely to be in possession of illegal drugs or weapons. Between 2011 and 2013, blacks also received 95 percent of jaywalking tickets and 94 percent of tickets for “failure to comply.” The Justice Department also found that the racial discrepancy for speeding tickets increased dramatically when researchers looked at tickets based on only an officer’s word vs. tickets based on objective evidence, such as vs. radar. Black people facing similar low-level charges as white people were 68 percent less likely to see those charges dismissed in court. More than 90 percent of the arrest warrants stemming from failure to pay/failure to appear were issued for black people.
5. These figures are similar to others throughout St. Louis County. For example,
in the town of Florissant, 71 percent of the motorists pulled over by police in 2013 were black. Blacks make up 27 percent of the town at the time (they now make up
33 percent)
. Blacks were also twice as likely to be searched after a stop, even though white motorists were more likely to be found with contraband.
6.
A study of “investigatory” traffic stops — that is, stops that did not result in a citation — by police in Kansas City found that
blacks were 2.7 times more likely to be pulled over in an investigatory stop, and five times more likely to be searched.
7.
A study of stop and frisk incidents in Boston between 2007 and 2010 that did
not result in a citation or arrest found that 63 percent of such stops were of black people. Blacks made up 24 percent of the city’s population. Incredibly, 97.5 percent of these encounters resulted in no arrest or seizure of contraband.
8.
A 2015 statistical analysis of police shootings from 2011 to 2014 found that the racial disparity in police shootings of black people could not be explained by higher crime rates in majority-black communities.
9.
A 2018 Post investigation found that murders of white people are more likely to be solved than murders of black people. There’s also a strong correlation between areas that are black-majority and low-income and the areas with the lowest clearance rate for homicides.
”Police blame the failure to solve homicides in these places on insufficient resources and poor relationships with residents, especially in areas that grapple with drug and gang activity where potential witnesses fear retaliation. But families of those killed, and even some officers, say the fault rests with apathetic police departments. All agree that the unsolved killings perpetuate cycles of violence in low-arrest areas.
Detectives said they cannot solve homicides without community cooperation, which makes it almost impossible to close cases in areas where residents already distrust police. As a result, distrust deepens, and killers remain on the street with no deterrent.”
10. Similarly,
a study published in June reviewed every reported homicide between 1976 and 2009 and found that “homicides with white victims are significantly more likely to be ‘cleared’ by the arrest of a suspect than are homicides with minority victims.”
11.
Another ACLU study, this time on the use of stop-and-frisk in Milwaukee between 2010 and 2017, found that in nearly half of the more than 700,000 such stops, the police failed to demonstrate reasonable suspicion as required by the Constitution. The study found that between pedestrian stops and traffic stops, black people were six times more likely to be stopped and searched than white people, and that less than 1 percent of those searches turned up any contraband. Here again, while black and Latino drivers were more likely to be searched, they were 20 percent
less likely to be in possession of any contraband.
12.
Going back to 2002, data show that when New York City was implementing its stop-and-frisk policy, white people generally made up only about 10 percent of such stops, despite making up about 45 percent of the city. Black and Latino people made up more than 80 percent of the stops, despite making up just over half the city population. Consistently, between 85 and 90 percent of such stops produced no arrest, citation or evidence of criminal activity.
Fewer than 1 percent of stops produced a gun, the alleged reason for the policy.
13. Between 2012 and 2014, the Los Angeles Police Department received more than 1,350 citizen complaints of racial profiling. The department
didn’t uphold a single complaint.
14.
A 2016 report found that between 2011 and 2015, black drivers in Nashville’s Davidson County were pulled over at a rate of 1,122 stops per 1,000 drivers — so on average, more than once per black driver. Black drivers were also searched at twice the rate of white drivers, though — as in other jurisdictions — searches of white drivers were more likely to turn up contraband.
15.
A 2017 study of interactions between officers and citizens taken from footage captured by police officer body cameras found that “officers speak with consistently less respect toward black versus white community members, even after controlling for the race of the officer, the severity of the infraction, the location of the stop, and the outcome of the stop.”
16.
An NAACP survey of citizen complaints against police officers in North Charleston, S.C., between 2006 and 2016 found that complaints by white citizens were about two-thirds more likely to be sustained than complaints filed by black citizens. When the complainant alleged excessive force, white complaints were sustained seven times more often than black complaints.
17.
A 2015 study found that though black women are just 6 percent of the female population of San Francisco, they account for 45.5 percent of female arrests.
Misdemeanors, petty crimes and driver’s license suspensions
18.
A national study of misdemeanor arrests published this year in the Boston University Law Review found that the “black arrest rate is at least twice as high as the white arrest rate for disorderly conduct, drug possession, simple assault, theft, vagrancy, and vandalism. The black arrest rate for prostitution is almost five times higher than the white arrest rate, and the black arrest rate for gambling is almost ten times higher.”
19.
According to a Justice Department study released in 2013, throughout the United States, black drivers are about 30 percent more likely to be pulled over than white drivers. Black drivers are also more likely to be pulled over for alleged mechanical or equipment problems with their automobiles, or for record checks. White people are actually more likely to get pulled over for noticeable traffic violations such as speeding. Black drivers are more likely to not be told why they were pulled over.
http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/pbtss11.pdf
20. Between 2001 and 2013, blacks and Latinos made up 51 percent of the population of New York City,
but about 80 percent of the misdemeanor arrests and summonses.
21. In 2016, the ACLU of Florida
released a report that found that black drivers in that state were twice as likely to be pulled over for seat-belt violations as white drivers.
22.
A 2017 Chicago Tribune investigation found that as the city ramped up its ticketing of bicyclists, black neighborhoods received more than twice as many citations as white and Latino neighborhoods.
A year later, black neighborhoods were getting three times more bicycle tickets than white neighborhoods.
23.
A ProPublica and Florida Times-Union report published last year showed that black residents of Jacksonville are three times more likely to receive a citation for a pedestrian violation than white residents. The report found no correlation between aggressive enforcement of jaywalking laws and where pedestrians were most likely to be struck by cars and killed. Instead, they found that most citations were issued in majority-black neighborhoods. Residents of the three poorest zip codes in the city, for example, were about six times more likely to get pedestrian citation tickets.
24.
A study of traffic citations issued in the Cleveland area in 2009 found that while blacks represented 38 percent of the driving population, they received 59 percent of police citations. Interestingly, when it comes to readily observable violations such as red-light running or speeding, the numbers were more even — whites actually received a greater percentage of speeding tickets. Black motorists, however, were far more likely to be pulled over and cited for violations that are either much less obvious (they received 61 percent of seat-belt violations) or that aren’t readily observable at all (they received 79 percent of the citations for driving on a suspended license).
25. Missouri has been keeping data on traffic stops for 18 years, and for 18 years,
the numbers consistently show that statewide, black people are more likely to be pulled over than white people. The data from 2017 showed the problem actually got
worse, with blacks
85 percent more likely to be stopped.
26.
A 2015 ACLU study of four cities in New Jersey found that black people were 2.6 to 9.6 times more likely to be arrested than white people for low-level offenses.
The drug war
Black people are consistently arrested, charged and convicted of drug crimes including possession, distribution and conspiracy at far higher rates than white people. This, despite research showing that both races use and sell drugs at about the same rate.
27.
As of May, data from New York City showed that black people are arrested for marijuana at eight times the rate of white people. In Manhattan, it’s 15 times as much. Black neighborhoods produce far more arrests than white neighborhoods, despite data showing a similar rate at which residents complain about marijuana use.
28. White people have made up
about 45 percent of New York residents (about 33 percent if you count only non-Hispanic whites) over the past two decades but have made up
fewer than 15 percent of the city’s marijuana arrests.
29.
A 2014 ACLU survey of SWAT teams across the country found that “dynamic entry” and paramilitary police tactics are disproportionately used against black and Latino people. Most of these raids were on people suspected of low-level drug crimes.
30.
When The Post in 2014 reviewed 400 recent instances of questionable asset forfeiture, a majority of the motorists who had property confiscated by the police were nonwhite.
31. A 2013 study by the ACLU found that black people
were 3.73 times more likely than white people to be arrested for marijuana possession. And 88 percent of marijuana arrests are for possession. (The disparity is actually lowest in the West and South, and highest in the Northeast and Midwest.) The study found that the racial disparities
were also getting larger, not smaller.
32. In contrast to the assertion that blacks are more likely to be arrested because they’re more likely to use drugs in public,
a 2002 study of narcotics search warrants in the San Diego area — that is, warrants to search for drugs in private homes — found that black and Hispanic residents were “significantly over-represented as targets of narcotics search warrants,” even after adjusting for usage rates. The study also found that “searches of White suspects were more successful in recovering the targeted drug than were searches of either Black or Hispanic suspects.”
33. According to figures from the National Registry of Exonerations (NER) black people are
about five times more likely to go to prison for drug possession than white people. According to exoneration data, black people are also
12 times more likely to be wrongly convicted of drug crimes.
34. When Harris County, Tex., saw a flaw in how drug testing was conducted at its crime lab, officials went back and exonerated dozens of people who had been wrongly convicted for possession — most pleaded guilty, despite their innocence. This is because prosecutors often promise harsher sentences or more charges for defendants who take a case to trial. Black people comprise 20 percent of the Harris County population but made up
62 percent of the wrongful drug convictions.
35. Not included in these wrongful conviction figures are cases in which police and narcotics task forces conducted mass arrests of entire black or Latino neighborhoods or towns. Hundreds of people were persuaded to plead guilty to drug charges.
By the NER’s estimate, there have been more than 1,800 such “group exonerations” in 15 cities since 1989. Almost all those exonerated were black or Latino.
36. Black people comprise about 12.5 percent of drug users but 29 percent of arrests for drug crimes and 33 percent of those incarcerated.
37.
A 2017 report by the Sarasota Herald-Tribune of Florida’s drug convictions found that while blacks made up 17 percent of the state’s population, they made up 46 percent of felony drug convictions since 2004. Blacks were also three times as likely to get hit with — and made up two-thirds of — the sentencing enhancements for committing drug crimes near a school zone, church, park or public housing
. In all, when blacks and whites committed similar drug crimes, blacks on average received a sentence that was two-thirds longer. In some parts of the state, it was
two or three times longer.38.
38.
An analysis of drug war data by the Vera Institute of Justice published this year found that “the risk of incarceration in the federal system for someone who uses drugs monthly and is black is more than seven times that of his or her white counterpart.”
39.
A 2017 report of civil asset forfeiture seizures in Chicago showed that the vast majority of such actions were in poor, predominantly black neighborhoods. The average value of the property seized was $4,553; the median value was $1,049.
Juries and jury selection
40.
A study of criminal cases from 1983 and 1993 found that prosecutors in Philadelphia removed 52 percent of potential black jurors vs. only 23 percent of nonblack jurors.
41.
Between 2003 and 2012, prosecutors in Caddo Parish, La. — one of the most aggressive death penalty counties in the country — struck 46 percent of prospective black jurors with preemptory challenges, vs. 15 percent of nonblacks.
42. Between 1994 and 2002, Jefferson Parish prosecutors
struck 55 percent of blacks, but just 16 percent of whites. Although
blacks make up 23 percent of the population,
80 percent of criminal trials had no more than two black jurors in a state where it takes only 10 of 12 juror votes to convict.
43.
A 2011 study from Michigan State University College of Law found that between 1990 and 2010, state prosecutors struck about 53 percent of black people eligible for juries in criminal cases, vs. about 26 percent of white people. The study’s authors concluded that the chance of this occurring in a race-neutral process was
less than 1 in 10 trillion. Even after adjusting for excuses given by prosecutors that tend to correlate with race, the 2-to-1 discrepancy remained. The state legislature had
previously passed a law stating that death penalty defendants who could demonstrate racial bias in jury selection could have their sentences changed to life without parole. The legislature later
repealed that law.
44.
Most recently, American Public Media’s “In the Dark” podcast did painstaking research on the 26-year career of Mississippi District Attorney Doug Evans and found that over the course of his career, Evans’s office struck 50 percent of prospective black jurors, vs. just 11 percent of whites.
45. In the 32 years since
Batson, the U.S Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit — which includes Mississippi, Texas and Louisiana — has upheld a
Batson challenge
only twice. That is out of hundreds of challenges.
46.
A survey of seven death penalty cases in Columbus, Ga., going back to the 1970s found that prosecutors struck 41 of 44 prospective black jurors. Six of the seven trials featured all-white juries.
47.
In a 2010 study, “mock jurors” were given the same evidence from a fictional robbery case but then shown alternate security camera footage depicting either a light-skinned or dark-skinned suspect. Jurors were more likely to evaluate ambiguous, race-neutral evidence against the dark-skinned suspect as incriminating and more likely to find the dark-skinned suspect guilty.
The death penalty
The real racial bias when it comes to the death penalty pertains to the race of the victim. Killers of black people rarely get death sentences. White killers of black people get death sentences even less frequently. And far and away, the type of murder
most likely to bring a death sentence is
a black man who kills a white woman.
48. While white people
make up less than half of the country’s murder victims, a 2003 study by Amnesty International found that about
80 percent of the people on death row in the United States killed a white person.
49. A 2012 study of Harris County, Tex., cases found that people who killed white victims
were 2.5 times more likely to be sentenced to the death penalty than other killers.
50.
In Delaware, according to a 2012 study, “black defendants who kill white victims are seven times as likely to receive the death penalty as are black defendants who kill black victims. … Moreover, black defendants who kill white victims are more than three times as likely to be sentenced to death as are white defendants who kill white victims.”
51.
A study of death penalty rates of black perpetrators/white victims vs. white perpetrators/black victims through 1999 showed similar discrepancies. Interestingly, the study found that blacks are
underrepresented on death row in proportion to the proportion of murders they commit. But this is largely because most black murderers kill other black people, and prosecutors are far less likely to seek the death penalty when the victim is black.
52.
A study of North Carolina murder cases from 1980 through 2007 found that murderers who kill white people are three times more likely to get the death penalty than murderers who kill black people.
53.
A 2000 study commissioned by then-Florida Gov. Jeb Bush (R) found that the state had, as of that time, never executed a white person for killing a black person.
54.
A 2004 study of Illinois, Georgia, Maryland and Florida estimated that “one quarter to one third of death sentenced defendants with white victims would have avoided the death penalty if their victims had been black.”
55.
According to a 2002 study commissioned by then-Gov. Frank O’Bannon (D), Indiana had executed only one person for killing a nonwhite victim, and though 47 percent of homicides in the state involved nonwhite victims, just 16 percent of the state’s death sentences did.
56. Studies in
Maryland,
New Jersey,
Virginia,
Utah and
the federal criminal-justice system produced similar results.
57. A
2014 study looking at 33 years of data found that after adjusting for variables such as the number of victims and brutality of the crimes, jurors in Washington state were 4.5 times more likely to impose the death penalty on black defendants accused of aggravated murder than on white ones.
58.
Black people are also more likely to be
wrongly convicted of murder when the victim was white. Only about 15 percent of people killed by black people were white, but 31 percent of black exonorees were wrongly convicted of killing white people. More generally, black people convicted of murder are 50 percent more likely to be innocent than white people convicted of murder.
59.
Innocent black people are also 3.5 times more likely than white people to be wrongly convicted of sexual assault and 12 times more likely to be wrongly convicted of drug crimes. (And remember, data on wrongful convictions is limited in that it can only consider the wrongful convictions we know about.)
60.
A 2000 study of federal cases found that federal prosecutors were about 50 percent more likely to offer a plea bargain to white murder suspects than black suspects that allowed them to avoid the death penalty.
61. In
Houston County, Ala., prosecutors struck 80 percent of black people from juries in death penalty cases.
62.
In Tennessee, blacks make up 17 percent of the population but 44 percent of death row. In the last 10 years, eight of the nine death sentences handed down in the state
were to black defendants.
63.
A 2006 Stanford report found that when a black person was accused of killing a white person, defendants with darker skin and more “stereotypically black” features were twice as likely to receive a death sentence. When the victim was black, there was almost no difference.
64.
A 2016 study found that in Louisiana, killers of white victims were
14 times more likely to be executed than killers of black victims. Black men who killed white women were 30 times more likely to get the death penalty than black men who killed black men. Those convicted of killing white people were also less likely to have their sentences overturned on appeal, and Louisiana hasn’t executed a white person for killing a black person since 1752.
65. Studies in other states have produced similar results:
In Oklahoma, killers of white women were 9.5 times more likely to get the death penalty than killers of minority men. In Ohio, they were
6 times more likely, and in Florida,
6.5 times more likely.
Prosecutors, discretion and plea bargaining
66.
A 2015 study by the Women Donors Network found that in three-fifths of the states where prosecutors are elected, there isn’t a single black prosecutor. Overall, the study found that in the United States, 95 percent of elected prosecutors are white, and nearly 80 percent are white men. In nine death penalty states (Colorado, Delaware, Idaho, Montana, Oregon, South Dakota, Tennessee, Washington and Wyoming),
all of the elected district attorneys were white in 2015.
67.
A 2017 study of about 48,000 criminal cases in Wisconsin showed that white defendants were 25 percent more likely than black defendants to have their most serious charge dismissed in a plea bargain. Among defendants facing misdemeanor charges that could carry a sentence of incarceration, whites were 75 percent more likely to have those charges dropped, dismissed or reduced to a charge that did not include such a punishment.
68.
A 2014 study of Manhattan criminal cases found that black defendants were 19 percent more likely to be offered plea deals that included jail time.
69.
A 2011 summary of the research on race and plea bargaining published by the Bureau of Justice Assistance concluded that “the majority of research on race and sentencing outcomes shows that blacks are less likely than whites to receive reduced pleas,” that “studies that assess the effects of race find that blacks are less likely to receive a reduced charge compared with whites,” and that “studies have generally found a relationship between race and whether or not a defendant receives a reduced charge.”
70.
A 2016 review of nearly 474,000 criminal cases in Hampton Roads, Va., found that whites were more likely to get plea deals that resulted in no jail time for drug offenses. While facing charges of drug distribution, 48 percent of whites received plea bargains with no jail time, vs. 22 percent of blacks. Among those with prior criminal records who pleaded guilty to robbery, 36 percent of whites got no jail time, vs. 8 percent of blacks.
71.
A 2013 study found that after adjusting for numerous other variables, federal prosecutors were almost twice as likely to bring charges carrying mandatory minimums against black defendants as against white defendants accused of similar crimes.
72.
A 2008 analysis found that black defendants with multiple prior convictions are 28 percent more likely to be charged as “habitual offenders” than white defendants with similar criminal records. The authors conclude that “assessments of dangerousness and culpability are linked to race and ethnicity, even after offense seriousness and prior record are controlled.”
Judges and sentencing
73. While white, non-Hispanics make up
about 61 percent of the U.S. population,
they comprise 83 percent of state trial court judges and 80 percent of state appellate court judges.
74.
A survey of data from the
U.S. Sentencing Commission last year found that when black men and white men commit the same crime, black men on average receive a sentence almost 20 percent longer. The research controlled for variables such as age and prior criminal history.
75. In Louisiana, which is
33 percent black, a survey sampling half the prisoners serving life without parole for nonviolent offenses found that
91 percent were black. After including violent crimes, it was 73 percent.
The figure is above 65 percent in several other states, including Georgia, Illinois, Michigan, Mississippi and South Carolina. Nationally, about half of murders
are committed by blacks.
76. When it comes to federal gun crimes,
black people are more likely to be arrested, more likely to get longer sentences for similar crimes and more likely to get sentencing “enhancements,” according to the U.S. Sentencing Commission.
77.
A New Jersey study found that 96 percent of defendants subject to an enhanced sentencing under “drug-free school zone” laws were black or Latino.
78.A
study published last May found that when a white person and a black person are convicted of similar crimes, Republican-appointed judges sentence the black person to three months longer in prison.
79.
A 2007 Harvard study found sentencing discrepancies
among black people, depending on the darkness of their skin. The study looked at 67,000 first-time felons in Georgia from 1995 to 2002. The average sentence for white men was 2,689 days. The average for black men was 378 days longer. But light-skinned blacks received sentences of about three and a half months longer than whites. Medium-skinned blacks received a sentence of about a year longer. Dark-skinned blacks received sentences of a year and a half longer.
80.
A 2015 study in the Journal of Legal Studies found that black federal judges are about 10 percentage points more likely to be reversed on appeal than white federal judges. The study adjusted for variables like who appointed the judges, judicial circuits and demographic data.
81.
A 2015 study of first-time felons found that while black men overall received sentences of 270 days longer than white men for similar crimes, the discrepancy between whites and dark-skinned blacks was 400 days.
Tässä tuoretta poliisiväkivaltaa Israelista. Jostain kumman syystä mulla on tunne, ettei tästä synny kansainvälistä kampanjaa juutalaisten rasismista ja väkivallasta. Suuryritykset, julkkikset ja muut tyhjäpäät ei taatusti hyvesignaloi tämän tapauksen johdosta.
Israelin apartheidtouhusta on ollut kansainvälisiä protesteja päällä jo vuosia. Ikävä juttu vaan, kun Yhdysvalloissa istuu politiikan johtotasolla porukkaa, jotka kokevat tehtäväkseen tukea Israelia. Viimeisenä Trump, joka siirsi lähetystön Jerusalemiin.
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en.wikipedia.org
